ENB 210408

* War assumes new dimension in view of poll
* Lanka experiencing effects of prolonged conflict
* Overall Operations Commander appointed for Central Province as Tigers focus there
By Iqbal Athas
That the ongoing military offensives in the Wanni are eluding deadlines and resultant headlines in the media is no longer a secret.
Some of the military top brass are now conceding, at least privately, that it is wrong to place time limits. Unexpected rains, muddy terrain and lack of strength are
among reasons adduced. That no doubt reflects a doctrine of trial and error if not a militarily unpardonable lapse in forward planning. Little wonder the delay is
disappointment for the political leadership awaiting a "major success" or a "breakthrough." This is particularly in the backdrop of newer threats that have begun to
envelope other areas and further heighten concerns in the dovecotes of power.
However, many aspects are shrouded in secrecy. It is not because they are military secrets or information of a sensitive nature. To the contrary, these are matters of
public concern. It is they who contribute to the Government's "war on terror." It is to provide them a safe environment and a better quality of life that the troops are
sacrificing their life and limb.
Coming to grips with ground realities is beneficial to them in many ways. Greater appreciation of the realities would translate into greater public support and co-
operation. Of course that would run counter to the unmitigated propaganda and hype though such a phenomenon is difficult to sustain all the time. More so at a time
when formidable sections of the Government are taking a closer look at the ongoing military campaign to carefully discern where the war is headed.
This includes even President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. It was only on March 28 he met senior
commanders engaged in military offensives in the Wanni. During an interactive session at the National Security Council (NSC), he fielded questions, sought answers
and personally took note of the factual position.
Yet, serious personal constraints prevent delving into many aspects though it would have only given the public a better perception. This was possible during all
previous phases of the separatist war but not this time.
The focal point of attention remains the Mannar sector, where the longest running military offensive continues. It began on July 2 last year. Since the Government's
abrogation of the Norwegian-brokered Ceasefire Agreement in January, this year, this offensive formed the first major thrust against the Tiger guerrillas after the
Government formally declared its "war on terror." The immediate aim was to re-capture areas in an around the Madhu shrine, sacred to Catholics. For this purpose,
columns of troops have been advancing from East of the Giant's Tank area.
The aim was later extended to regain control of a coastal stretch at Vidattaltivu where a Sea Tiger base is located. This base had assumed greater significance after
intelligence reports that the guerrillas were using it as a major landing area for military items smuggled in from their makeshift bases across the Gulf of Mannar from the
southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu. For this purpose a column of troops began an advance from West of the Giant's tank. Offensives on both fronts continue.
Last Saturday and on Sunday, whilst an entire nation was celebrating the national New Year, troops sprang a surprise on the guerrillas. They made another push to
advance towards the church area. There was stiff resistance. As the map on this page shows, troops are now located some one and half kilometres south of the
church, on the road leading to the sacred precincts. Bitter battles were fought and both sides suffered casualties. The news of the loss of soldiers reached their near
and dear in the south when they were observing the Avurudhu.
On the second major front in the Wanni, at Weli Oya, a column of troops are headed northwards in the direction of Mullaitivu. There were battles here too. Recent
rains as well as some soldiers being afflicted by Chikungunya or Dengue had some bearing. However, troops are thrusting forward seizing new ground in a stretch of
"no man's" land that lay ahead.
The military offensives in the Wanni assume a new dimension in the light of the Provincial Council elections for the Eastern Province on May 10. Particularly in the
Mannar sector, the re-capture of the Madhu shrine and its environs by the troops will bolster the ruling party's position at the polls. It could be argued, perhaps with
some justification, that after re-capturing the East, troops were now making gains in the North. For the same reason, Tiger guerrillas would want to avoid loss of any
territory dominated by them. They would want to offer stronger resistance at least until the polls are over. Logically this would mean bigger battles ahead.
Besides this, security for the conduct of the polls campaign has also become a challenge to the authorities. Adding significance to this is the 32nd anniversary of the
founding of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which falls on May 5, just five days before the polls. The LTTE formally came into being on May 5, 1976.
The biggest challenge comes from ensuring the safety of political personalities who will take part in crowded events like rallies and processions. That the guerrillas had
targeted many of them during public events where security breaches occur is very well known. Among them:
Lalith Athulathmudali, former Minister and leader of the Democratic United National Front (DUNF) was shot dead when he was addressing an election meeting at
Kirullapone on April 23 1993. He was campaigning for the Western Provincial Council elections when the tragedy occurred.
President Ranasinghe Premadasa was killed by an explosive device activated by a suicide bomber at Armour Street, Colombo on May 1, 1993. He was near a May
Day procession. A number of Police officers and civilians too were killed or injured.
Gamini Dissanayake, candidate at the Presidential elections was killed in a bomb explosion on October 24, 1994. The calamity that left 54 others killed and 72
wounded took place at Grandpass at an election rally.
Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga narrowly escaped an attack by a suicide bomber on December 18, 1999 at the Town Hall premises in
Colombo. She was taking part in a rally for the Presidential elections where she was a candidate. On the same day, almost at the same time, another bomb explosion
at a UNP rally at Jaela killed retired Chief of Staff of the Army, Major General Lucky Algama. He was campaigning for UNP presidential candidate Ranil
Wickremesinghe.
Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, Minister of Highways and Chief Government Whip was killed on April 6 2008 when a suicide bomber triggered off explosives at a sporting
event in Weliveriya. The attack also killed 14 others and left more than 50 injured.
Besides the conduct of the Provincial Council elections in the East, the Government's decision to hold this year's May Day rally in Dehiattakandiya in the Ampara
district has further enhanced the need for stepped up security. State intelligence services have warned against this event being held in the east, where an estimated
30,000 crowd is expected to take part. However, Government leaders argue the successful conduct of a rally there, ahead of the polls, would bolster their position.
The benefits, they say, are many. That would include the fact that with the clearing of the East from Tiger guerrilla presence, the Government could conduct a major
rally. Another, they say, is the benefits that would accrue as a result from the polls.
Adding to the newer security concerns in the East is another development that has caused much concern for the defence establishment. That is the rise in Tiger
guerrilla activity in the Central Province. Hence, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) has decided to appoint Major General Lawrence Fernando, an experienced Army
officer, as Overall Operations Commander (OOC) for the Central Province. He has been given wide powers. An MoD directive to Air Marshal Donald Perera,
Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) on April 10 in this regard states:
Major General Lawrence Fernando, Overall Operations Commander, Central Province "His Excellency the President has been pleased to appoint Maj. Gen U.B.L. Fernando RWP RSP ndu psc as the Overall Operations Commander - Central
Province, with immediate effect. All Army, Navy, Air Force, STF Detachments, Civil Security Department, Police areas including Police Stations, all intelligence
agencies, Civil Defence Organisations, Civil/Commercial Security Organisations within the Central Province will be placed under the command of Maj. Gen. U.B.L.
Fernando RWP RSP ndu psc for operational purposes.
"His areas of responsibility will be:
Exercise command over the personnel of the Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and STF, Civil Security Department allocated/deployed for operational duties within the
Central Province.
Preparation and implementation of Operational Plans within the area of responsibility.
To co-ordinate all Deployment and Operations within the area of responsibility.
To co-ordinate all Intelligence Agency activities.
To co-ordinate matters pertaining to civil/commercial security and civil defence organisations.
Preparation of contingency plans, rehearsing and implementation."
An identical letter was issued by the Ministry of Defence when Maj. Gen. Fernando was appointed Overall Operations Commander of the Western Province.
(Situation Report - The Sunday Times August 27, 2006) On August 18 2006 President Mahinda Rajapaksa handpicked Maj. Gen. Fernando to be the OOC for the
Western Province.
Defence authorities have been concerned over the signs of increasing guerrilla activity in the Central Province. In what is believed to be a guerrilla campaign to cause
economic sabotage, several power transformers, particularly in the Central Province, have been blasted.
On April 6 two power transformers were blasted in the Kandy district in the Alawathugoda Police area. Another transformer was blasted in the Talawakele Police
area on the same day. On April 16, a transformer was blasted at Kelebokke in the Panwila Police area and another at Moussa in the same locality. On the same day,
another transformer was blasted in Monerakada area in the same police area. On the same day another transformer was blasted at Devsiripura in the Talawakele
Police area. Last Thursday, an unexploded time bomb placed near a transformer was detected and defused on time at Kelebokke. Its explosion, Panwila Police say,
would have disrupted power supply to a large tea factory in the area.
Besides the economic sabotage, the Terrorism Investigation Division (TID) of the Police recovered over 60 kilogrammes of C-4 plastic explosives from a house in
Digana near Kandy. Investigations later revealed that the entire stock was to be concealed in a car. The vehicle was to be used to carry out an attack on a leading
personality when he visited Kandy. Though there have been reports that the explosives recovered were part of a larger quantity sent to Nuwara Eliya, Police are yet
to recover them.Earlier, after the military offensives were launched in the Wanni, the guerrillas demonstrated their strike capability in two main areas outside the theatre of battle in the
Wanni. One was in the Moneragala district where they staged a number of attacks, both on the Police as well as on civilians. Despite a string of military operations,
the guerrilla group operating in the area was not detected. The other is in the City of Colombo and immediate suburbs.
The fact that guerrilla activity is now spreading in the Central Province, necessating the Government to give priority in appointing an Overall Operations Commander
(OOC), to say the least, shows a widening of the guerrilla fronts. Thus, the challenges faced by the Security Forces widen correspondingly.
Besides securing the greater Colombo area, the East, prosecuting battles in the Wanni, the Security Forces now have the unenviable task of meeting a new guerrilla
menace in the Central Province. Deadlines or not, the battles will continue.
The scenario is underscored by the words of Sun Tzu in his classic treatise more than 2,500 years ago The Art of War. Commenting on Waging War, he said:
"In the operations of war, where there are in the field a thousand swift chariots, ten thousand heavy chariots, and a hundred thousand mail-clad soldiers, with
provisions enough to carry them a thousand li (Note: 2.78 modern Li make a mile), the expenditure at home and at the front, including entertainment of guests, small
items such as glue and paint, and sums spent on chariots and armour, will reach the total of a thousand ounces of silver per day. Such is the cost of raising an army of
hundred thousand men.
"When you engage in actual fighting, if victory is long in coming, the men's weapons will grow dull and their ardour will be dampened. If you lay siege to a town, you
will exhaust your strength, and if the campaign is protracted, the resources of the state will not be equal to the strain. Never forget: When your weapons are dulled,
your ardour dampened, your strength exhausted, and your treasure spent, other chieftains will spring up to take advantage of your extremity. Then no man, however
wise, will be able to avert the consequences that must ensue.
"Thus, though we have heard of stupid haste in war, cleverness has never been seen associated with long delays. In all history, there is no instance of a country having
benefited from prolonged warfare. Only one who knows the disastrous effects of a long war can realize the supreme importance of rapidity in bringing it to a close. It
is only one who is thoroughly acquainted with the evils of war who can thoroughly understand the profitable way of carrying it on…

Eastern poll more a Referendum to continue development - Basilby Franklin R.Satyapalan
Senior Advisor to the President, Basil Rajapaksa, MP leading the UPFA
governments election campaign in the Eastern Province yesterday described the polls as more of a Referendum which gives the people of the three districts an
opportunity to say either, 'Yes' or 'No' to ensure peaceful co-existence among the three communities and to successfully take forward many large development
projects.
Speaking to the Sunday Island on the phone from Trincomalee, he said the forthcoming polls pose three important questions to the Eastern voters - whether they
want a continuation of progress made by the government in the Eastern Province or go back to a dark era of fear?
Firstly, would they want to go back to the period of terror - "Biyakaru Bheeshanaya" the threats and intidation, explosion of claymore mines, exortion, death,
destruction, child conscription - that prevailed until the East was liberated from the clutches of the LTTE?, he asked.
"Or would they want a Provincial Council for the East to enjoy better privileges than what was granted to the other seven provincial councils by securing a victory by
the people for the people at the first-ever forthcoming elections to the Eastern PC?"
Would they also opt for the continuation of many large infrastructural and community welfare, livelihood development projects that had been launched in the sectors
of education, health, fisheries, agriculture, livestock, farming, industry, tourism, shipping, aviation with the backing of the central government and the international
community, Rajapaksa queried.
"This is not for individual or party politics but will be decisive in ensuring the peaceful co-existence among the three major communities in the Eastern Province and
their socio-economic development and the restoration of democracy," he noted.
"The polls would be like a Referendum."
It is left to the people of the East to decide whether the UPFA and the Betel symbol is to win or lose and whatever the result the President, the government and
Ministers would continue to remain in power, he said.

The Maoists prove a point
Nepal’s stunning election outcome by Kumar David
America classifies it as a terrorist outfit, the rightwing magazine Economist (12-18 April) after speaking
approvingly of the long lines forming at polling booths as it went to press, adds, "The Maoists are believed, in the absence of any reliable opinion poll, to be widely
detested", and India really does detest the CPN(M) as viscerally as the Economist’s mythical Nepali voters. Jimmy Carter considers the Bush Administration foolish
to continue to classify the CPN(M) as terrorist after it entered into a political agreement, locked up its guns and participated fair and square in the 10 April elections.
Now as the results come trickling in, he implies that Washington is certifiably mad – his hopes pinned on a saner Democratic Administration next year. But then,
America can’t stop putting its democratic feet into its two-tongued mouth over and over again; vide the previous "terrorist" election victors, Hamas and Hezbollah.
Not to mention that even the legislature, Congress, declassified South Africa’s ANC of its terrorist status only two weeks ago! As for the Economist, well, I invite
some kind reader to send the editors "reliable" salt and zesty pepper to garnish their diet of "widely detested" ill-informed utterances.
Almost a landslide
True, even this correspondent, writing in the Sunday Island of the 6th April (‘Nepal’s Tryst with Destiny’), did not foresee a Maoist victory on this scale, but did
make it clear that the CPN(M) would emerge as a powerful force; in fact it is now within sight of an absolute majority in the constituent assembly cum parliament.
Results keep trickling in, slowly, and the best estimate for the 240 directly elected seats is that the CPN(M) will secure over 120, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the
reformist communist party CPN(UML) about 35 each, and another 30 will go to smaller parties of which the Madhesis Peoples’ Rights Forum (MPRF) will secure
about 20. Repolling has been ordered in 22 constituencies and in the prevailing euphoria the Maoists are likely to make a sweep. An additional 330 seats (increased
due to Maoist pressure from an initial agreement of 240) will be distributed on a proportional formula; their spread will probably redress the imbalance somewhat, as
proportional representation usually does. There will also be 26 appointed members taking the new constituent assembly to a total of 601.
In the outgoing 330 seat parliament the NC had 133 seats, the CPN(UML) 83 and the smaller parties together 30; the Maoist CPN(M) was allocated 84 temporary
unelected seats in terms of an inter-party transitional agreement pending the elections. Hence the NC and the CPN(UML), both parties that have been in power on
previous occasions, have suffered a rout. The MPRF did not exist previously, it is a new party representing the ethnic minority people of the southern plains, and its
first time showing is impressive.
A consequence of these numbers is that the Maoists may have secured a working majority and may be able to form a government on their own if they so choose, and
more significantly, to push through a constitution much of their own making.
The fork in the road
The CPN(M) faces some testing times. There are three things it must do immediately with Leninist determination; abolish the monarchy and send Gyanendra packing
thus eliminating a constitutional challenge; integrate the Maoist forces with the Nepalese Army in a way that rules out the possibility of any future coup (why not send
the Generals out with Gyanendra, half of them are Delhi’s agents anyway); and launch an immediate anti-feudal programme of land reform, securing a base in the
people. Before all else, the new government must secure itself, it must learn from the bitter tragedy of Chile in 1973; "all armed prophets have conquered", said
Niccolo Machiavelli (quoted by Isaac Deutscher in ‘The Prophet Armed’).
The victory, to go by post-election comments, can be attributed to two perceptions - first, people were simply fed up with the established parties, did not trust them
anymore and wanted change; and secondly, the Maoists stood up and fought. They fought the authoritarian monarchy and the self-seeking opportunist politicos
feeding on the fat of the system like their Lankan counterparts. The lesson seems to be that a third force, when it occupies the moral high-ground, can win, but to
occupy pole-position it must first prove itself in practice. In the case of Nepal’s Maoists and Palestine’s Hamas, the white hot rod of armed struggle has been the
proving ground; in democratic Lebanon, Hezbollah engaged in a three pronged programme of social activities for the poor, Islamism coupled to anti-imperialism, and
successful armed struggle; overall a more nuanced approach, to win its commanding political position. Actually, both Hamas and Nepal’s Maoists did have significant
social programmes, but Hezbollah, out of necessity and propped by Iranian cash, outdid them both.
It now seems that winning the elections was the easy part for Nepal’s Maoists and even securing the regime and adopting a new constitution is within reach. The most
daunting tasks will start after that; achieving national unity on the basis of a new federal constitution, carrying through a raft of long overdue social programmes, and of
course economic development to improve the quality of life in this wretchedly poor country. This is a long haul and Nepal does not have many international partners
who are going to pour in investment. She has neither oil nor glittering mineral resources to mesmerise Fortune 500 corporations, and worst of all an unfriendly India
could make life difficult. But times have changed and so have priorities. it is imperative that the new Nepali government establishes friendly relations with Delhi; an
embryonic economic common market and Indian assistance in the education, healthcare and transportation sectors could be valuable starting points. On the political
front the CPN(M) will gain by structuring fraternal relations with the Indian CPs. Neither of India’s Communist Parties have ties of any significance with Nepal’s
Maoists. They have both been on the parliamentary road for decades, hence no common agenda has existed so far to cement a relationship, but there is an
opportunity for change now.
Who is a terrorist?
Everywhere however, conventional Western, American led, or Israeli inspired definitions of terrorism were ignored by the people. Nevertheless, a crucial dimension
is that none of the aforesaid movements (Hamas, Hezbollah or the Maoists) isolated themselves internationally. They neither scorned international opinion, nor
spurned international or regional relationships.
Where does the LTTE stand in relation to the various dimensions of the problematic outlined in the paragraphs above – involvement in social concerns such as
economic welfare and modernisation, caste, land, women’s issues, and building international bridges ? Rather poorly I think, but not a zero either in that the Vanni
mini-state seems to have some positive features going for it. From available evidence there seems to have been serious minded infrastructure development and the
administration is said to be purposeful, efficient and clean. I will say no more in the absence of systematic studies and reliable information, and in any case war would
now have disrupted whatever there was.
It is when one turns to international relations that the full measure of the LTTE’s failure is exposed. Imagine an organisation of its military clout, longevity, and influence
in the diaspora, but with not one foreign state as a friend! This is a consequence of its own arrogance; the worst being the systematic and suicidal antagonisation of
India.
Nevertheless, a return to a hotly debated inquiry of previous decades which asked "Who is a terrorist?" is timely. It is obviously relevant to any discourse on Lanka
and the LTTE. Unfortunately, the white vans and goon squads dispatched by one side and the suicide bombers planted by the other, damp and discourage honest
expressions of views except in involuted overtones, or by the careless or by risk-takers. I am not quite sure whether I belong to the category of the careless, the risk-
taker or more likely, the plain stupid, but I honestly think we need to reopen the topic with worldwide developments, especially the victory of the Maoist "terrorists" in
Nepal, as a backdrop.
The question we need to open is much bigger than the old argument about state "terrorism" and the "terrorism" of armed non-state actors, though both varieties
continue to proliferate. There is a new phenomenon in that the armed struggles of Hezbollah, Hamas and the Nepali Maoists, to take but three examples, have the
overwhelming endorsement of the underlying populations, which seem to be not at all discomfited by several actions of their ‘liberators’ which are, on any definition,
clearly terrorist in nature. At the same time, in my view, moral relativism on such issues is not an acceptable option either. There are no quick fix answers, so I hope
some NGO with a little money to spare can organise a symposium around this conundrum and of course invite me as a keynote speaker!
More foreign jobs for LTTE surrendees
By Ananda Kannangara
_________________________________
The Foreign Employment and Promotion Ministry has broadened its vocational training programs in the Northern and Eastern Districts from May 1 to grant more foreign employment opportunities to LTTE surrendees.
It has been reported that over 60 LTTE cadres have so far surrendered to three rehabilitation centres, set up by the Security Forces in Jaffna, Batticaloa and
Trincomalee districts.
The centres are operated with the assistance of the ICRC, UNICEF and other local government agencies.
Training programs such as sewing for female LTTE surrendees and motor mechanism, carpentry, plumbing and wiring for male surrendees will be conducted by the
Sri Lanka Bureau of Foreign Employment (SLBFE) under the guidance of the Presidential Secretariat.
Foreign Employment and Promotion Minister Keheliya Rambukwella told the Sunday Observer that during the past one year the Bureau provided foreign jobs to
eleven LTTE surrendees who had been rehabilitated and trained in various vocational fields.
The Minister said the Bureau’s next objective is to introduce new skills training programs and expand the number of centres in the Northern district to enable more
LTTE surrendees to find employment here and abroad.

Vaiko has justified
Friday ,18 April 2008( Posted : 03:04:17GMT)
A senior Sri Lankan minister Thursday accused the MDMK leader Vaiko of justifying the LTTE's "ethnic cleansing" of Tamil Muslims from Jaffna in 1990 by
expelling them from there.
At a conference in Oslo recently the Indian Tamil leader, while admitting that "chasing out" some of the Muslim Tamils from the LTTE region was an error, also
justified the "atrocities" against the minority community in Sri Lanka, a cabinet minister and defence spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella told reporters here.
"Vaiko is a known LTTE supporter", Rambukwella said and quoted a report to say that during Oslo conference, he had described people who had "collaborated"
with the Sri Lankan government (against the LTTE) as "traitors" and that asking them to leave had become necessary.
"Though polite in private and willing to talk pleasantly enough with the Sri Lankan delegates, he (Vaiko) had a "myopic" view of history and was quite unable to set
things in context," the secretary general of SCOPP, Rajiva Wijesinha said in the report.
The distinction became clear when a Muslim member of the diaspora, who was not at all unsympathetic to his Tamil colleagues, mentioned during the Oslo
conference that the "ethnic cleansing" of Muslims the LTTE had engaged in way back in 1990, the SCOPP official said. Rambukwella said he would not like to
comment on the recent meeting between Priyanka Vadra, daughter of the slain former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, and Nalini Sriharan, one of the convicted
conspirators in the assassination case, that took place in Vellore prison on March 19.
"I cannot comment on what she (Priyanka) has said. It is the compassion of the Gandhi family and the Buddhist philosophy," he said without elaborating.