ENB-CFA:Dead-letter buried:Where do we go from here?

Dead-letter buried: Where do we go from here?

Cabinet unanimoulsy endorses abrogation of CFA, year of intense war begins International community expresses grave concern over repercussions War realities go under-reported: Media still face severe threat By Iqbal Athas

At last Wednesday's cabinet meeting chaired by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, ministers had cleared all items on the agenda for that day. Before the meeting ended,
the last was the customary "any other business."
It was then that Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake proposed that the Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002 be abrogated. Not one Minister present
expressed any objection. It was approved unanimously with no lengthy discussion.
The decision came amidst both political and military leaders making declarations in the past weeks that the war to crush the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)
would be intensified this year. Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who is singularly directing the military machine against Tiger guerrillas, advocated the
abrogation of the CFA and a ban on the LTTE.
Just three days before the cabinet meeting, Mr. Rajapaksa told the state run Daily News in an interview (on December 29, 2007) that the CFA should be abrogated
and the LTTE banned. He said the agreement existed only on paper and was a joke. He also declared that military victories would lead to a political solution. A day
later (December 31, 2007) the Commanders of the Army (Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka), Navy (Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda) and Air Force (Air Marshal
Roshan Gunatilleke) expressed confidence the guerrillas would be “extinct in 2008”. Their forecast was the front-page lead story in the Daily News (December 31).
The task of giving effect to the cabinet decision fell on Foreign Minister Rohita Bogollagama. He first conveyed it to India's High Commissioner in Sri Lanka Alok
Prasad. To the Government in New Delhi, which was awaiting the political proposals to end the ethnic conflict, the official news came as surprise. The meeting also
saw High Commissioner Prasad telling Mr. Bogollagama that Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh would not be visiting Colombo for the 60th anniversary
Independence Day celebrations. The Government had extended an invitation but Premier Singh's acceptance had been prematurely announced in Colombo. This is
even before an official response from India, diplomatic sources said. The Indian Premier's presence, these sources said, could be misconstrued as India's
endorsement of the Government's new move to embark on a military campaign to crush the guerrillas. India has insisted that there is no military solution to the ethnic
conflict.
Bogollagama then met Norway's Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Tore Hatrem, to hand over a document. It gave notice of the termination of the CFA in terms of article
1.4. This article states: "This Agreement shall remain in force until notice of termination is given by either Party to the RNG (Royal Norwegian Government). Such
notice shall be given fourteen (14) days in advance of the effective date of termination." Accordingly, the CFA will cease to exist from midnight January 16.
A consequence of this would be the expiry of the Status of Mission Agreement (SOMA). This agreement between the Governments of Sri Lanka and Norway
related to the working of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) "to monitor the implementation of the CFA." The SOMA conferred immunity on SLMM
members, made their premises inviolable, gave them tax concessions for import of supplies and equipment for their work. This agreement is also due to lapse on
January 16.
Nordic FMs deeply worriedFive Scandinavian Foreign Ministers - Norway, Iceland, Denmark, Sweden and Finland - issued a joint statement on Friday expressing concern that violence would
further escalate due to the abrogation of the Ceasefire Agreement.
They said: "The Government of Sri Lanka has formally notified Norway of its decision of 2 January to terminate the Ceasefire Agreement with effect from 16 January 2008. As
the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission derives its mandate from this agreement, the Sri Lankan Government expects the mission to cease its operations from the same
date.
"This decision comes at a time when the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE are engaging in a high level of hostilities in a war-like situation with large-scale
displacement of civilians and repeated violations of human rights. The Nordic countries are deeply concerned about the worsening situation in Sri Lanka, an overall
development which now has reached the point where one party terminates the Agreement.
"The Ceasefire Agreement was concluded between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in February 2002 and has lasted
for almost six years. It served as the fundament for the peace process and for international efforts to assist Sri Lanka in its attempt to end its long history of conflict.
At the request of the parties, the Nordic countries set up a civilian mission to monitor adherence to the ceasefire, both with regard to cessation of hostilities and
restoration of normalcy.
"The Ceasefire Agreement had a number of positive consequences. During the first three years, conflict-related casualties dropped to almost zero, which means that
as many as 10,000 lives may have been spared. The agreement allowed for greater freedom of movement for all people in Sri Lanka, and opened for economic
development. It also improved the human rights situation and the protection of civilians. However, violations of the Agreement have been particularly numerous and
increasingly serious during the past two years.
"The Nordic countries are worried that the violence and human suffering will now further escalate. The withdrawal of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission will mean the
end of an important mechanism that protected civilians and gave a voice to the victims and their families.
"The Nordic countries believe that only a political solution that addresses the grievances of all the ethnic groups in the country can provide a sustainable peace. The
termination of the Ceasefire Agreement will only make it more difficult to find a way back to the negotiating table.
"The Nordic countries are both grateful for and proud of the efforts and contributions made by the international and local monitors and staff of the Sri Lanka
Monitoring Mission under very demanding circumstances."
Jonas Gahr Store, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Norway.
Ingiborg Solrun Gisladottir, Minister of Foreign Affairs and External Trade, Iceland.
Per Stig Moller, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Denmark.Carl Bildt, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sweden.
Ilkka Kanerva, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Finland. That would have meant that the SLMM monitors will be required to conclude all their activities in Sri Lanka before January 16. It includes disposing their assets,
retrenching local staff, handing over rented buildings and a multitude of other tasks. However, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has told Norway that the monitors could
take a "reasonable amount of time" beyond the deadline to conclude their operations. That period is to be treated as one where provisions of SOMA still applied, a
move, which means there will be no punitive action if they do not keep to the deadline.
Bogollagama thereafter met envoys of the Donor Co-chairs - the United States, Japan, Norway and member countries of the European Union. The Co-chairs have
declared in previous statements that there is no military solution to the ethnic conflict. They expressed the view that the Government should pursue a political solution.
Responding to the abrogation of the CFA, the United States re-iterated this position again on Friday.
What will be the future of the Donor Co-chairs entity? Will it cease or continue to function? The matter will come up for discussion when senior officials and envoys
have a conference call on January 9.
In Washington State Department spokesman Sean McCormack declared that the US is "troubled by the Sri Lankan Government's decision…." Ending the Ceasefire
Agreement, he said, will make it more difficult to achieve a lasting, peaceful solution to Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. "Only a peaceful political solution, not a military
one, offers a way out of the current cycle of escalating violence," he said. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was quoted as saying he is "deeply worried that the
withdrawal from the agreement comes amidst intensifying fighting…"
India's External Affairs Ministry said in a statement in New Delhi on Friday, "we strongly believe there is no military solution" to the ethnic conflict. The statement,
which carefully avoided any reference to the abrogation of the CFA, said, "For India, any step that leads to a reduction in levels of violence and human suffering in Sri
Lanka is welcome."
However, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherji was more eloquent. He told Press Trust of India (PTI) "We had to pay a very heavy price for developments in
Sri Lanka. An important leader of this country has been victim of terrorism and it has been clearly established who was behind it.” Pointing out that India has zero
tolerance for terrorism, he said that "legitimate aspirations" of the Tamil community should be met. These aspirations, he said, should be met within the “territorial
integrity and framework of the Sri Lankan Constitution.”
The first Norwegian response came from Erik Solheim, Minister of Environment and International Development. "I regret the Government is taking this serious step,"
he said. The statement noted: "In 2000, Norway was formally invited by Sri Lanka's President, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, and the LTTE to act as
facilitator for the peace process in the country. The invitation was renewed most recently by President Rajapaksa in January 2006. Despite the escalation of
hostilities, Norway is maintaining a close dialogue with the parties. Since bringing the parties together in Geneva in October 2006, Norway has informed them that no
further initiatives will be taken until requested by the parties."
Mr. Bogollagama told Ambassador Hatrem that although the CFA was being abrogated, Norway's invitation in January 2000 to act as facilitator remains. They will
thus continue to be the conduit for any contact, if and when it becomes necessary, with the LTTE. The Sunday Times learns Norway has already conveyed the
Government’s decision to abrogate the CFA to the LTTE. However, there has been no formal response from the guerrillas so far.
Norwegian Foreign Minister, Jonas Gahr Store joined his counterparts in Iceland, Denmark, Sweden and Finland (countries from which SLMM monitors came) to
issue a joint statement. See box story on this page.
There was no formal official statement from the Government setting out the reasons why the CFA was abrogated. The only explanation came in the form of remarks
by Mr. Bogollagama. He told a news conference on Friday that the CFA was seriously flawed. "The LTTE continued to take advantage seeking to dominate areas
such as Sampur, continue to smuggle in large haul of lethal arms, explosives and ammunition," he pointed out. "The termination of the Ceasefire Agreement does not in
any way hamper the process of moving towards a negotiated political settlement" he said. “In fact it gives broader space to pursue this goal through an inclusive
process which includes all minority groups in Sri Lanka" he added.
A fuller, independent appreciation of the pros and cons of the abrogation of the CFA and its repercussions is difficult in the light of serious constraints - ones I have
never before faced in my 43-year journalistic career. Such an appreciation in the national interest would have been useful to The Sunday Times readers. It would not
only educate them but also enlighten them to make decisions on their own. It would have also given the opportunity for those, who do not agree, to say why. If I was
wrong in any way, those concerned could have pointed them out. Today, any comments that are not to the liking of some bureaucrats or those in uniform not only
invite the sobriquet "traitor" but leads to other threats and intimidation. They do not want what is disliked by them to be reported. For obvious reasons I cannot detail
out some of the insidious and disturbing aspects except to say an intelligence unit of a service arm is very active in this regard.
Yet, one could comment on some of the known facts. In the recent weeks and months there have been statements from officials and military leaders that the Tiger
guerrillas have been badly weakened. Almost the entirety of the Eastern province has now been brought under Government control. There are only sporadic incidents
there, that again by small groups. At least ten ships of the Sea Tigers had been destroyed debilitating the guerrilla capability to smuggle in military hardware.
According to some officials, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran is either “seriously injured” or even “dead”.
Thus, a weakened LTTE has now been confined only to the Wanni. It is from here that the troops are poised to crush the guerrillas militarily. Repeated air raids have
led to heavy guerrilla losses. Casualty counts of guerrilla losses, according to official documents I have seen, place the death toll from early March until December
2007 at over 2,100 killed. According to it, a further 1,300 were injured.
Last year, a high ranking military official told a newly launched Sunday newspaper in an interview that the strength of the LTTE was 3,500. If that assertion is correct,
only 1400 now remained. If the number injured is 1,300, that is 100 more than the figure given in the confidential document. One intelligence estimate places the
guerrilla strength at 7,500. Even in terms of this, 3,400 are dead and injured leaving only a balance of 4,100. In pointing this out, I must make it unequivocally clear, it
is not in any way intended to challenge the heroic role played by those in the Security Forces and the Police.
It is solely to highlight the difficulties encountered by the media in keeping the Sri Lankan public informed as truthfully as possible. The separatist war is being waged
on their behalf and on their contributions. Eelam Wars I, II and III have mostly been under a state of emergency and long periods of censorship. The media has been
debarred from visiting the theatres of conflict except on conducted tours. It is a well known fact that both sides to the conflict provide highly exaggerated casualty
counts. Independent verification of these claims has become difficult. Though the undeclared Eelam War IV was without a censorship, pressures and threats on the
media have been much worse. Now that a declared Eelam War IV will be in place after January 16, there is no doubt conditions will become even difficult.
If indeed the guerrillas have been badly weakened, their capacity to re-supply debilitated and their leader rendered inactive as he is "seriously injured" or "dead," it
would have been in the Government's interest to have told Sri Lankans the exact reasons why the CFA was being abrogated. The fact that the CFA was seriously
flawed was known soon after it was made public in February 2002. Even Mahinda Rajapaksa acknowledged the need for changes, when he contested the
presidential elections in November 2005. This is why he made an election pledge to take measures to amend the CFA. However, with just over a year in office, he
invited Norway to resume the peace process.
Since the CFA was signed in February 2002, there have been eight rounds of peace talks between the Government and the LTTE. Two of them were with
delegations from the Rajapaksa administration. Here is the chronology:September 16 to 18 2002 - Thai Naval Base in Sattahip, Chonburi.October 31 to November 3 2002 - Rose Garden Hotel, Nakhorn Pathom, Thailand.December 2 to 5, 2002 - Radisson SAS Plaza Hotel, Oslo, Norway.January 6 to 9, 2003 - Rose Garden Hotel, Nakhorn Pathom, Thailand.February 7 to 8, 2003 - Norwegian Embassy, Nordic Embassy Complex, Berlin, Germany.March 18 - 21 2003 - Hakone Prince Hotel, Hakone, Japan.February 22 - 23, 2006 - Chattaeu de Bossy, Geneva, Switzerland.October 28 - 29 - 2006 - at Varembe Conference Centre Geneva, Switzerland
On June 8, 2006, both Sri Lankan and LTTE delegations were scheduled to meet in Oslo, Norway. After arriving there, however, the LTTE delegation refused to
meet up with their Sri Lankan counterparts since their team was was not led by a cabinet minister.Seeking answers to questions on why the CFA had to be abrogated now is neither to praise its virtues nor to applaud its demise. The sequence of events that led to it
have shown that the decision has been made by less than a handful, unanimously endorsed by a silent cabinet and implemented. The Government has defied its friends
and acquaintances in the international community who have all declared that a military solution is not the answer.
The Sunday Times has learnt that with the CFA ceasing to be in force after January 16, the Government is giving active consideration to ban the LTTE. Some of the
measures under consideration, if enforced, will no doubt cause more concern. Those are provisions to deal with those having any connection or links to the LTTE or
helping them in any way. There may also be restrictions on the media on reportage of some aspects.
Thus, the Year of the War begins in earnest. In the next 12 months, the LTTE will have to be weakened militarily to such a point that they could be forced to the
negotiation table. That has been the aim of successive governments in the past. Then, corruption in military procurements, politicisation of military activity and
mismanagement were among the major contributory factors that prevented the objectives from being achieved.
Quite clearly, the Government has dropped the peace option, a public commitment, with the abrogation of the CFA. Its preamble said,: "The overall objective of the
Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is to find a negotiated settlement to the ongoing ethnic
conflict in Sri Lanka." It also recognised "the importance of bringing an end to hostilities and improving the living conditions for all inhabitants affected by the conflict.
Bringing an end to the hostilities is also seen by the Parties as a means of establishing a positive atmosphere in which further steps towards a lasting solution can be
taken."
Now, the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration has an unenviable task in its hands. Defeat the LTTE militarily and prove to the whole world, their detractors wrong by
demonstrating that a military victory is possible. That is what the Tiger guerrillas will try to deny him in 2008. Despite all the lop-sided propaganda, it is no secret that
the guerrillas still are a potent threat. That is why Sri Lankans, particularly those who are not privileged to have personal protection and political pampering, will have
to be more vigilant.

Maheswaran:
The chilling messageConcern over security of opposition politicians
*Strong suspicion on EPDP;
* court refers to TV interview
By Our Political Editor
Just six hours after the New Year had dawned, a Tamil parliamentarian, a dissenting voice, fell victim to a cold-blooded murder in the sacred precincts of a Hindu
Kovil in Kochchikade. A day later, Tiger guerrillas exploded a claymore mine, barely 100 metres from an Army detachment and in the proximity of the Air Force
headquarters.
That day, i.e. Wednesday, Jan. 2, the Government abrogated the Ceasefire Agreement of February 22, 2002. It will be ineffective from January 16. On this same
day, the Status of Mission Agreement (SOMA) that conferred immunity and inviolable privileges on Scandinavian truce monitors will cease. These monitors who form
the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) are hurrying to finish business before this date and leave Colombo.
The very next day, Thursday, Jan. 3, Tiger guerrillas exploded a claymore mine aimed at an Army truck plying the Anuradhapura road at Kebettigollawa, a village
that has been the scene of killings of many civilian and military personnel. Even if every Sri Lankan wished one another for a "happy and a prosperous New Year,"
those events clearly portended what 2008 holds.
Thiagarajah Maheswaran, a United National Party (UNP) parliamentarian for the Colombo district had gone on Tuesday morning to Ponnambala Vaanieasvarar
Hindu temple. In god's own sanctuary a gunman poured bullet after bullet from a micro pistol into his head and chest. He was dead after admission to the National
Hospital. The detailed events that led to his killing appear elsewhere in this newspaper. He was the third Opposition Tamil MP to be gunned down during the brief
tenure of the incumbent Presidency.
Opposition UNP supporters in the funeral procession of Maheswaran are seen tearing up a poster carrying the picture of president Mahinda Rajapaksa along with a
peace message. Pic by Saman Kariyawasam However, some of the more important aspects deserve closer examination. His untimely death, at the age of just 41 years, is becoming endemic in a nation that is
fighting one kind of terrorism and simultaneously spawning another equally dangerous kind. The days before Maheswaran met with his death, a fate he was worried
about, tell a story. The moral of it highlights the all-important question - how safe are ordinary Sri Lankans?
A one time Hindu Affairs Minister and MP for Jaffna, Maheswaran dodged death on the last day of April 2004 general election campaign in Colombo. But, this time
sudden death was chasing him was clear to anyone who wanted to know. He was highly critical of the alleged paramilitary outfit of the Eelam People's Democratic
Party (EPDP). Douglas Devananda, who has remained a cabinet minister in successive SLFP-led governments, leads the EPDP. Maheswaran was also a
businessman in the years past dealing in kerosene sales in the troubled north which was facing an embargo at the time. He thus earned the nickname Bhumithel
Maheswaran or Kerosene Maheswaran for his troubles. In recent years, his acquisition of ships to transport goods, this time legitimately to Jaffna made him rich. He
became a land owner and property developer. He was on the verge of buying aircraft to operate flights from Colombo to Jaffna.
He told the Shakthi television's popular Minnel (lightning) programme on December 30, 2007 at 6 p.m. that he would expose the activities of an alleged militia group
operating in Jaffna but out of Colombo, when Parliament resumes sittings on January 8 - next Tuesday. The remarks were made just 40 hours before his
assassination. Just 24 hours later, Ithaya Veenai, the radio service operated by the EPDP responded. In their programme at 6 p.m. on Monday, December 31, they
castigated not only Maheswaran for his remarks but also Shakthi TV's Sri Ranga, who conducted the Minnel programme.
Allegations of EPDP connections proliferated further after an interview Defence Spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella gave BBC's Sinhala service, Sandeshaya shortly
after the Maheswaran shooting. Here is an edited transcript of the conversation with Chandana Keerthi Bandara:
Sandeshaya: Do you have any details of the disclosures made by the suspect arrested in connection with the assassination of T. Maheswaran?Rambukwella: Yes, he has been temporarily living in Wattala………Eight rounds of live ammunition used for micro pistols were found……Sandeshaya: Is there any truth in reports that he was connected to a Government Minister?Rambukwella: Yes, there is a report to that effect. He has been in the security detail of Maheswaran himself.Sandeshaya: Before working for Maheswaran's security, whom did he work for?Rambukwella: He has been working in the Ministerial Security Division (MSD). I think he has been working for Minister Douglas Devananda. Most of the Tamil MPs
use Tamil security guards…………..Sandeshaya: That means he has been definitely working as a security officer in a Government security service?Rambukwella: Yes, that is what has been disclosed during the investigations. Sandeshaya: If that is the case, persons providing security could assassinate an opposition MP. There should be a special investigation about those providing security.
Rambukwella: Definitely. There is no doubt about it. There is a possibility that a spy for a group could infiltrate……
In the wake of these developments, the EPDP strongly denied all allegations against the Party in the Maheswaran killing. A statement issued by them said that killers
had rushed to "spread rumours like wildfire with the motive of tarnishing the EPDP and to impress on the general public that it was responsible for the murder of Mr.
Maheswaran."
The statement added: "People who are behind this vicious campaign must have a hand, directly or indirectly, in this murder. That is why these elements are spreading
rumours to impress the general public before the assailant reveals the truth."
Colombo's Additional Magistrate Ravindra Premaratna on Thursday ordered the Police to take into consideration the comments made in the Minnel talk show. Some
of the points made by Maheswaran in the show were:
= Five to six people are killed daily in the Jaffna peninsula. Many are abducted and go missing forever. This is done with the backing of a paramilitary group. At first
they will send ten people from the south. After three to four months they will be replaced. Minister Douglas Devananda must take the responsibility for it
= When I was in Jaffna a few days ago, I went to the Karainagar temple. EPDP members surrounded the temple. I have been shot at previously by EPDP groups in
Nallur and Ilavalai. The Government has withdrawn my security. I had to seek help from private security firms. Under then Premier, Ranil Wickremesinghe, I had 18
security personnel for seven and half years. At the last general election I escaped death by gunfire. It was due to Police reports that I was provided security.
Why was Maheswaran's security detail of 18 whittled down to just two in the recent weeks?
During an oration at Maheswaran's funeral on Thursday, one of the convenors of the National Congress and head of SLFP-(M) and former Foreign Minister
Mangala Samaraweera said: "In his last speech in Parliament immediately after the Nugegoda bomb blast when hundreds of innocent Tamil civilians living in and
around Colombo were rounded up indiscriminately and arrested for the simple reason of being Tamil, he made a hard hitting speech on the floor of Parliament
accusing the government of a systematic campaign against the Tamil people under the guise of fighting terrorism. He threatened to expose the powerful figures behind
these horrendous human rights violations. This speech so obviously upset the powers that be that within hours of the speech Mr. Maheswaran's security detail was
reduced from 17 (the correct figure was 18) to two………..Thus, all fair-minded people will agree that the responsibility for this dastardly act lies at the feet of the
present administration."
One of the characteristics of the defence establishment under the present administration is the withdrawal of security of anyone who is even slightly critical. Claims are
made, however, that they are based on intelligence assessments.
Maheswaran not only faced a serious death threat but spoke frankly about them before he was felled by an assassin's bullet. There are many cases where the
withdrawal of security, one dare say, was due to reasons other than security considerations and threat factors. Take the case of Samaraweera and colleague Sripathi
Sooriyaratchchi. Then followed Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader and Cabinet Minister Rauff Hakeem, who crossed over to the Opposition.
The same fate befell National Heritage Minister Anura Bandaranaike, after he crossed over to Opposition benches on that final day of the Budget debate. He walked
out of the chamber to go to his office but found his security had been withdrawn within a matter of minutes. It was reduced from some 70 odd to 2. Now the PSD
(Presidential Security Division) is 'guarding' the former Minister, not allowing visitors to see him. Human rights activist and runner up in US State Department's award
for human rights defenders, Mano Ganeshan, Colombo district MP, found that his security detail of ten (together with a back up vehicle) had been whittled down to
just two. He publicly declared his life was in danger. On Thursday, three more police officers had turned up at his home but Ganeshan sent them back since he had no
vehicle for their travel.
Early on Friday, Ganeshan left Sri Lanka to the safety of a foreign country. From his residence in Colombo, European Union's representative in Sri Lanka, Julian
Wilson, accompanied him to the airport. Such was an MP's fear for his life. It is in this backdrop that UNP and Opposition leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe, has also
been warned of serious threats to his life. Thus, elected representatives of the people, no matter what views they hold or express, have to live in fear of their lives in
Sri Lanka, which the Tourism Ministry calls a "land like no other." Perhaps true. In marked contrast, some 'bureaucrats' and 'aides' who are toadying up to the
political leadership have even their families being protected by the Presidential Security Division (PSD).
"Granting personal protection," commented a one time senior defence official "is being used like someone's private property with utter contempt for civilised and
established norms." The official who has held a number of positions in the security and defence establishment added, "this callous and petty attitude cost the life of Mr.
Maheswaran. It could kill more people if the leadership does not realise the potential danger that lies ahead", he warned.
"Ultimately the responsibility will rest on the political leadership who must answer someday." He said the actions of a few seemed to reflect either their gross abuse of
authority or the power of the gun. He may be right. The underlying message - be with us if you want your security.
There also was a tragicomic aspect to the Maheswaran killing. Even before investigations could begin or end, judgement was passed. That it came from none other
than the Inspector General of Police, Victor Perera. Angered by the Opposition protests against his Department, he said the LTTE was behind the Maheswaran
killing. That made clear that the Police Chief, the highest police official in the country appeared unaware of the sequence of events that had led to Maheswaran's
death. Could he not have waited until his men found out? It seemed that, like some of the previous Police Chiefs, he had to please someone powerful somewhere.
However, is it incumbent on a Police Chief to say it even before the investigation has begun? Is he not trying to join the politicians in deflecting the issue? The
Opposition now wants the Speaker to summon him before the House to answer queries. Another who took over from him was Foreign Minister Rohita Bogollagama.
In a news release on Friday, he also accused the LTTE of carrying out the killing. An official in the defence establishment, who heard of the Maheswaran killing was
quick to remark that the killing "must be business rivalry."
The matter also figured at a meeting of party leaders on Wednesday. Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara is currently on one of his frequent trips abroad. The meeting was
therefore chaired by Deputy Speaker, Gitanjana Gunawardena. UNP parliamentarian Joseph Michael Perera proposed that an early date be allotted for the
condolence vote on Maheswaran. It was decided it will take place on January 11.
JVP parliamentary group leader, Wimal Weerawansa proposed that in future, security for parliamentarians should not be left only in the hands of those at the Ministry
of Defence. He said there should be a decision to urge the authorities to consult the Speaker before any changes are made. Gunawardena could only agree to convey
it to Lokubandara when he returns.
UNP's Colombo district organisers were detailed to organise the Maheswaran funeral. Ravi Karunanayake from Kotte led the group, mobilising the funeral orators,
while Colombo East's Bodhi Ranasinghe was to oversee the street decorations, and Colombo West's Rosy Senanayake spent several hours consoling Maheswaran's
widow and little children.
But there was the ugly side to this as well. The Maheswaran killing saw a pathetic display by UNP stalwarts who enacted an ugly battle to win the hearts - and the
votes - of the Tamils living in Colombo. It was the battle for the Manape chande (preferential vote). Some Organisers from the district of Colombo began a race to
find space outside the Maheswaran residence to hang up their banners expressing that particular Organiser's balavath sokaya (deepest sympathies) for the slain MP.
The front gates and the parapet walls were not spared in the exercise.
The Police was keen that the funeral procession does not lead to a breach of the peace. They refused to allow the procession to wend its way from Wellawatte
through Jawatte Road and onto Bauddhaloka Mawatha before proceeding to the General Cemetery. Their argument was that this would mean that the procession
would pass the high-security State television Rupavahini and radio stations, the former, a venue much in the news the previous week over the Mervyn Silva drama.
The UNP meekly obliged to the Police request and agreed to wend their way towards Narahenpita and then to the cemetery. Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe's
own security detail had expressed concern over this move, and was forced to devise their own strategies to protect the Opposition Leader.
On Wednesday, Tiger guerrillas had exploded a claymore mine at Kompannaveediya killing four persons and injuring 28, mostly civilians. Reports of how it
happened appear elsewhere in this newspaper. On Thursday, the guerrilla exploded a pressure mine on a passing Army truck at Kebbetigollawa killing two soldiers
and wounding four. The Tourist Board was much quicker than the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS) in giving details of the incident. It said no tourists
were affected and protection was being given to them. Yet, German tour operators, who send the third largest volume of tourist traffic to Sri Lanka, decided to
advise tourists not to visit Colombo after that incident.
On Friday, tour operators in the UK and India, the first and the second largest, were examining whether they should continue to send tourists to Sri Lanka. This is in
the wake of fears that the abrogation of the Ceasefire Agreement may lead to increased violence. The Cabinet decided on Wednesday to abrogate the CFA and
SOMA. It was formally announced by Foreign Minister, Rohita Bogollagama, during a news briefing on Friday. Government official and Defence Secretary
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, brother of the President, set the stage for the abrogation of the CFA by telling the Daily News that the CFA should be abrogated and the
LTTE banned. That was just days ahead of the Cabinet meeting.
The Sunday Times reported two days after the December 14 Budget victory for the Government, thanks mainly to the JVP's volte-face decision to abstain from
voting, that one of the conditions the Marxist-Nationalist Party had placed before a prominent Government MP (Basil Rajapaksa) was to abrogate the CFA. One of
the other demands is to cut down on the jumbo Cabinet.
The Opposition UNP, architects of the CFA in 2002, says that the JVP also wants the Government to bring down the cost-of-living, and asks why the Government
does not do that as well. The Party is yet to come out with a detailed statement on the abrogation of the CFA, some of its frontliners making incohesive disjointed
remarks about the Party's position on the matter.
The world outside has expressed utmost concern at these developments, and urged both the Government and the LTTE to refrain from harming civilians. Both sides
seem equally deaf to these concerns, and tit-for-tat killings are bound to increase. And the Maheswaran murder clearly shows that the politics of Colombo is very
much part and parcel of the turbulent events unfolding.