INTERVIEW : Dr.Jehan Perera - Executive Director - NPC Funded By Norway

CURRENT AFFAIRS interview
WEB EXCLUSIVE

‘Sri Lanka combines normalcy with collapse’
Since the recent return to open warfare between government forces and the LTTE, the conflict in Sri Lanka has been escalating steadily, and hopes of a peaceful resolution have receded. Dr. Jehan Perera, Executive Director of the independent advocacy organisation National Peace Council, has for years been at the center of peace efforts in Sri Lanka. In an extensive online interview with Bijuraj, he presents a nuanced view of the situation, tracing the roots of the ongoing turmoil in Sri Lanka Court

What is the present condition in Sri Lanka?
Where is your country going and what will be the result?Sri Lanka combines normalcy with collapse. There is regular life in the predominantly Sinhala inhabited parts of the country. For most Sinhala people life goes on as usual, except that the cost of living has gone up, which is making life more difficult for most of them. In the predominantly Tamil north and east, and for Tamil people living elsewhere in the country, there is a lot of uncertainty and fear. The ever-increasing military confrontation between the government and LTTE is at the root of this problem. The Muslim minority is also afraid that they will get sucked into this conflict and become its victims. Several wealthy Muslim businesspersons have been reported as abducted for ransom. Unfortunately, the present situation is likely to get worse, as there is no indication of a lessening of the confrontation between the government and LTTE. If this negative trend continues there could be a change of government..

What is the reason for breaking the ceasefire and the peace agreement now?
Who wants this conflict? At the Presidential election of November 2005, the people had a clear choice. One candidate, Mahinda Rajapakse said that the Ceasefire Agreement was flawed. He criticised the peace process that had commenced in 2002 with Norwegian facilitation. The other candidate, Ranil Wickremasinghe, said that he would continue with the peace process. At that election, the Tamil people voted for Wickremasinghe. But the LTTE did not permit the Tamil people in the north and east to vote at all. This made Wickremasinghe lose the election. There are allegations that supporters of Rajapakse paid the LTTE to keep the Tamil people away from the elections..

What do you say about democracy in Sri Lanka? Is it genuine?
Most people in Sri Lanka believe that they have democracy. They vote regularly at elections and they have a lot of freedoms and rights. The problem is that the interests of the ethnic minorities are often neglected. This is why a system of power sharing on federal principles is necessary.
How do you evaluate the present Government in comparison with older governments in dealing the conflict?This government is more determined than any other previous one to achieve a military solution by defeating the LTTE. This government is also less concerned about international opinion, human rights and the costs to civilians than any other government. This approach will not bring peace. It needs to change.

What would you call the conflict? Is it for national liberation? How much of religion and ethnicity is involved in it?
I would call it an ethnic conflict. At one level, it is a problem of reconciling the principle of majority rule with protecting the rights of the minorities. At another level, it is to permit each nationality within Sri Lanka the right to express their collective identity and to decide with the right of self-determination. Both ethnicity as well as religion is involved, as the Muslim community is also concerned about their self-determination, and about not being dominated by other nationalities. I do not like to call the conflict a national liberation struggle, because separation into two countries is not an option for us in Sri Lanka.

What is the political solution to end the conflict?
Would you suggest an economic solution?There are two political aspects to such a solution. The first is to satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people that they have articulated for over fifty years. This would be on the lines of a federal power sharing solution. The Indian model could be a basis for this solution. The second part of the solution is to find a transitional arrangement whereby the LTTE is provided with legitimate political power, but has to progressively enter into the democratic system without resorting to arms. A federal system could also help to bring about an economic solution, as it will transfer power and economic resources away from Colombo to the regions. At present the Western Province in which Colombo is located gets 51 percent of the national income with 29 percent of the population. This should change with federalism.

Do you think LTTE will agree to a solution of a united Lanka with self-determining federal states?
They are fighting for liberation.At the Oslo peace talks in December 2002, the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government agreed to explore a federal solution in which the principle of internal self-determination in the north and east would be respected. The LTTE has also repeatedly said that they will accept a viable alternative to a separate state. This needs to be negotiated.

A lot of people think that Sinhalese chauvinistic parties are the main hurdle in solving the problem. Do you agree?
The Sinhala nationalist parties have less than 10 percent of the popular vote. But they are powerful because they have the balance of power in Parliament. The government needs their votes in Parliament to be in power. They are also powerful because they are radical and will go to the streets to fight for their cause. But they are not the only hurdle to a peaceful solution. Tamil nationalism which is backed by the LTTE and the Tamil diaspora is also radical and intransigent.

Why is the government reluctant to give self-determination to the Tamils?
The fear of the Sinhala people, which is reflected in the government, is that a federal solution will legally strengthen the Tamil case for separation. The greatest fear of the Sinhala people is that Sri Lanka will be divided, and that there will be a separate Tamil country on the island, which will receive support from India, or at least from Tamil Nadu, and eventually take over the whole island.
Internal war and peace - this rotation happening at regular intervals. Can peace prevail in Sri Lanka? What can be done for it?The war started because the legitimate grievances of the Tamil people were not addressed by successive Sri Lankan governments. If there is a political solution to those grievances, and it is implemented, Sri Lanka can be a peaceful country once again. The LTTE has declared war against the Sri Lankan government on the grounds that there is no just political settlement. If there is such a just political settlement, there will no longer be a need for the war they now fight.

Now LTTE has carried out air strikes. Where do they get the arms and the planes? Is it a sign of their technical supremacy?

The LTTE has been building up its air power for over a decade. They have been smuggling in airplane parts that, I believe, they have been purchasing on the open market. I cannot believe that any foreign government has helped them in this. There is no technical superiority in assembling these planes. These are small light aircraft. They are available in flying clubs in other countries.

How do you evaluate the strength of LTTE vis-à-vis the other Tamil liberation groups?
The LTTE is the single strongest Tamil party in Sri Lanka today. A large part of the reason is that the LTTE killed the leaders of all other Tamil parties and prevented them from working in an independent manner. There is also a strong belief among Tamil people that the Sri Lankan government will only give them their rights because the LTTE is forcing them to the negotiating table.

Does the LTTE face internal problems? How you consider the death of Balasingham and the rivalry between groups like Karuna’s?
Not much is known about LTTE’s internal problems. The LTTE is a secretive and well-disciplined organization. Even the split with Karuna was known only when it happened. Karuna said that he was leaving the LTTE because its leadership came from the north, and was discriminating against the eastern Tamils. The death of Balasingham will deprive the LTTE, and Sri Lanka, of a man who could understand what a political solution would mean in practice. Balasingham was also in a hurry to wrap up a political solution before he died, so it was a pity that the negotiations could not be restarted when he was alive.

What is role of the Left there? Is there anything that they can do?
The old democratic Left parties, like the Communist Party, are members of the government coalition. They are not happy with the government’s approach to the ethnic conflict. But they are not powerful enough to get the government to change its policies. They are politically weak today, as they cannot win Parliamentary seats on their own. But their presence within the government means that there is a voice of peace and sanity within the government.
One of the leaders of the old left parties that is with the government, Prof. Tissa Vitarana of the LSSP (Trotskyite), is the chairman of the All Party Conference’s representatives committee which is presently drafting a political solution to the ethnic conflict. The draft proposal that Prof. Vitarana has put forward is a good one, and could be the basis of a political settlement. Unfortunately, the government has not accepted this proposal as yet. The government appears to be dragging its feet until the outcome of the ongoing military battles become clearer.

If the LTTE wins the battle, what is going to happen? What do you think they would suggest in terms of political economy?
The LTTE cannot win a permanent victory, because the Sri Lankan government will always try to recapture what they lose. But the LTTE will need to be brought into governance. This will mean that they have to learn about respecting democracy, and not use their weapons. They have to learn to respect other political parties that represent the Tamil people. In no democratic country can there be a sole representative. What the LTTE will do in terms of political economy is not certain, but it is likely to be oriented towards state control, as the LTTE believes in LTTE control over whatever they can control.

What are the living conditions of people in Jafna and other LTTE controlled areas?
The north and east of Sri Lanka are in a very under-developed state. Most parts of the north and east are many decades behind the rest of Sri Lanka in their development. Whatever infrastructure there was, has been destroyed by the war. At present due to the closure of the road that connects Jafna to the rest of the country, there is a short supply of essential commodities in Jafna. The government has closed the road for military reasons, but as a result the people suffer a lot.

How do you evaluate LTTE chief Prabhakaran personally? Is he better than any Lankan rulers?
Prabhakaran believes in his cause more than in human life. His style of leadership may have been appropriate in the age of kings, but not in the age of modern democracy and human rights.

What you think about the link between Tamil Nadu, India and the Tamil region of Lanka?
Sri Lanka must become more integrated economically and socially with South India. We can benefit from South Indian markets, tourism and educational facilities. The country I feel emotionally closest to is India, and in India I feel most at home in Tamil Nadu and Kerala.
You once said, “Ultimately we all know that without Indian blessing and backing and pressure, this conflict probably will not be solved”. Can you elaborate on this?India has learnt the lessons of keeping a diverse and vast country together. India has dealt with ethnic conflict and insurgency, and has learnt how to bring militants into the mainstream. India is also a superpower and is our closest neighbour. This is why we need India. But there are many in Sri Lanka who do not trust India. They think that India wishes to deliberately keep us in conflict. They remember that India once trained and armed the Tamil militants and gave them bases, while denying it all the time. So they say, how can we trust India? But I believe we must rebuild our relationship with India, so that we can trust India and make it our best friend and partner.


How do you define India’s role in the Sri Lankan conflict? Can India do anything positive?

Sinhala history is one of invasions from India. From the Sinhala viewpoint, India has been a historical enemy. In the ancient Sinhala history, which was written down by Buddhist monks in the fifth century book called the Mahavamsa (or Great Chronicle), it is recorded that the Sinhala civilization was weakened and destroyed by repeated invasions from South India. This is why the Indian role in supporting the Tamil militancy in the 1970s and 1980s has a deep emotional and psychological impact on the Sinhala people. This is also why they opposed the coming in of Indian peace keeping troops in 1987. They saw this as a re-play of history, and that the Indian army would never go back. India needs to be sensitive to this Sinhala concern.

What do you say about democracy in Sri Lanka? Is it genuine?
Most people in Sri Lanka believe that they have democracy. They vote regularly at elections and they have a lot of freedoms and rights. The problem is that the interests of the ethnic minorities are often neglected. This is why a system of power sharing on federal principles is necessary.

You once said, “Rajiv Gandhi came in trying to solve the Sri Lankan problem…” What you think about IPKF episode?
The problem with the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord was that it was not properly explained to the people and discussed beforehand. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was young and inexperienced. He did not realize that problems of a country cannot be solved overnight or with the stroke of a pen. There was opposition to Indian involvement, even at the highest levels of the Sri Lankan government. The peace agreement was seen as an Indian imposition on a small neighbour that had been deliberately weakened by India. But the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord provided the basis for a political settlement between the government and the Tamils. The problem was that the people were not prepared for it, nor was the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. The IPKF was never meant to fight a war. When they were dragged into war, the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord had failed. There were many human rights abuses during that period.

But India has some special interest in the matter, we may call it vested interest, like the Tamil question in India. Do you think so?
India’s main concern is that the Tamil problem in Sri Lanka does not spill across the seas into Tamil Nadu. India is also concerned about the internationalizing of the conflict, and the role that foreign powers may wish to play in Sri Lanka. India will wish to contain the problem, so that it does not escalate.

What is the political solution to end the conflict? Would you suggest an economic solution?
There are two political aspects to such a solution. The first is to satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people that they have articulated for over fifty years. This would be on the lines of a federal power sharing solution. The Indian model could be a basis for this solution. The second part of the solution is to find a transitional arrangement whereby the LTTE is provided with legitimate political power, but has to progressively enter into the democratic system without resorting to arms. A federal system could also help to bring about an economic solution, as it will transfer power and economic resources away from Colombo to the regions. At present the Western Province in which Colombo is located gets 51 percent of the national income with 29 percent of the population. This should change with federalism.

Do you think countries like the U.S. have any special interest in Lanka? Especially since they have an interest in arms sales and the market.
The international community is fully supportive of peace in Sri Lanka. The Western countries, in particular, fully support Norway in its facilitative role. However, there are countries that provide arms to the Sri Lankan government, as part of their effort to support a legitimate government in its security.

We have heard about the killings of monks. Why have they been targeted?
The community of Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka see themselves as the protectors of the nation. This is partly on account of the Sinhala history. In the ancient chronicles it is recorded that Lord Buddha said that the Sinhala people would protect Buddhism in Sri Lanka. The Buddhist monks believe that they have a sacred duty to protect both the Sinhala people and the Buddhist religion from being destroyed. In the ancient history it is recorded that Buddhist monks marched with the Sinhala armies to protect the country. This has carried over into the present age, where Buddhist monks feel called on to protect the country against the Tamil militancy. In turn, the Tamils see the Buddhist monks as being anti-Tamil and being Sinhala nationalists. When the LTTE killed the Buddhist monks, they were trying to provoke the anger of the Sinhala people as well as deal a blow to Sinhala nationalism. But most Buddhist monks I speak to are peaceful, and want peace through peaceful means. On the other hand, the militant Buddhist monks are very vociferous and active in politics and are ready to march on the streets, whereas the peaceful Buddhist monks are in their temples or helping the people. In terms of being bridge-builders and peacemakers in the present context of ethnic conflict, I think the Christian clergy are the best positioned to be mediators. This is because there are a large number of Christians in both the Sinhala and Tamil communities, and the Christians in Sri Lanka are an influential and highly educated minority.

Sri Lankan society also has a caste system. What role does caste play in the conflict?
The caste system does prevail in Sri Lanka, but it is very different from the Indian system in two ways. One difference is that the highest caste, the farmer caste, is also the biggest caste. The second is that the caste system is not visible for the most part. It only emerges to some extent when people get married, and when people vote. The caste system may play a role in Tamil society in keeping the conflict going, as Prabhakaran and most of the leadership of the LTTE is from the fisher and other non-farmer castes. Now because of the war, they dominate the farmer caste people. If there is peace, they may lose that dominant position to the farmer caste once again.

What is the position of refugees?
There are more than half a million internally displaced persons in Sri Lanka. This is a very large amount of people who are suffering, and have been suffering for many years. The National Peace Council is not involved in welfare work as our mandate is to facilitate a peace movement. We engage in advocacy, training and mobilization, and awareness-creation work..
What about POWs? It is said that the Government has committed a lot of human right violations.Little is known of prisoners taken by the LTTE. But with regard to the government, prisoners are kept in regular jails. There have been occasions, as in July 1983, when militants and others who were only suspects, numbering over 50 were even killed by other prisoners in the jails. Again there was an incident in 2004 when about 20 young people who had surrendered and were being rehabilitated were killed by villagers. But I would say these have been exceptional situations. As for human rights violations, yes, there are many. The situation is worse now than it has been for many years. There are disappearances, abductions, kidnappings for ransom, which the government claims it is not responsible for. The government says these are done by the LTTE, criminal gangs and lawless elements, but many others see a government hand in them. In the past year there have been over a thousand such cases. The government has appointed a Commission to investigate these human rights violations, but the results are slow and not satisfactory.

How do ordinary people respond to the conflict?
Some journalists who visited Colombo recently said that people there and in other parts are simply bystanders, and don’t care much about the conflict. What do you say?

Most people do not know what is really happening in the north and east. The government says that it is looking after the civilians, and the people believe what the government says. Most people also believe that the LTTE will not settle for anything less than a separate country, and so they feel that there is no alternative to defeating the LTTE in war.

You worked as the media director of NPC. Can you tell us how journalists have been approaching the conflict? Are they facing threats from the government and the LTTE?
By and large, there is a lot of media freedom in Sri Lanka. There is severe criticism of the government in the media on political matters. However, reporting of the war is poor, as the military and LTTE do not encourage independent journalists to gain access to conflict areas. The state controlled media are not at all independent in their views, but the privately owned media is independent. Journalists have faced a lot of threats from both the government and LTTE. In the past year about 10 journalists have been killed by unknown gunmen for the most part.

What is the role of the National Peace Council?
The National Peace Council, of which I am a founder member, was established in 1995. Our mandate is to facilitate a people’s movement for peace. We engage primarily in awareness-creation and advocacy. Our main message is that war is not the way to peace, and that peace must include the LTTE and a federal power-sharing solution. We have a multi-ethnic and multi-religious board of directors and staff. We try to be fair to all communities, and also to be independent of political parties. If any side makes a mistake, we point it out. This means that we too get criticized.

You are funded by Norway. What interest do they have in this?
Norway is one of our main funders. Norway has made a commitment to Sri Lanka’s peace process. We too believe in the peace process. There are many people in Sri Lanka, especially in the Sinhala community and government, who are suspicious of Norway’s intentions, and believe that they are supporting the LTTE. But I do not believe that and think that Norway wishes to work for Sri Lanka’s good and for the improvement of the life of the people of Sri Lanka.
A website had published an open letter of criticism to you by one Dr. Victor Rajakulendran.

If people call you a Singhalese stooge, how do you respond? Do you have a position personally?

It is easy for people to pick up a pen and write, or to type at their computer. It is more worthwhile to go into the midst of people and to help them to understand and be peaceful. There are many angry people like Dr Victor, both amongst the Sinhala and Tamil communities. But many of them are living in foreign countries, like he does. I believe in the position taken by the National Peace Council, which is that peace must come through peaceful means, that the LTTE must be part of the solution, and that Sri Lanka must become a federal country in which there is power-sharing between the different communities and between the regions.

How do both sides consider your peace mission? Do you face any threat personally or officially?
At present the Sri Lankan government is suspicious of Norway and of the international community. They think that the international community is biased against the government because they criticize the government for not doing enough for peace. The LTTE too is suspicious of the international community and thinks that they are biased because they have banned them. My own feeling is that both the government and LTTE are stubborn and want to get their own way, and that is why they do not like the international community, which wants a solution in the middle. I believe that for peace both sides have to compromise. Most of all I believe that those who kill people to achieve their ends are wrong and immoral and I oppose what they do. As a result I have had threats, even death threats. But I believe that working for peace is my duty, which I will not stop doing.